Saturday, January 16, 2016

45A. CO-AUTHORS OF THE STORY OF THE INCARNATE WORD?


    To make sense of tragic situations in their own lives or the lives of others, Christians often assure themselves that the tragedy in question plays a role in the fulfillment of God's plan.  In their elaborations on this them, they may insist that God has a purpose in allowing a tragedy to happen or that there must be a reason for it.

    As a philosopher of religion, I cringe whenever I hear such efforts "to justify the ways of God to men."  The references to purpose and reason depend on a conception of God derived from the metaphor of power and judgment.  Reference to a plan reduced the understanding of human history as a story, to a deterministic unfolding of an already written script.  (From an analytic perspective, talk of "God's plan" invokes a vision of God's dominion over all which is only slightly less objectionable than the vision encoded in Calvin's doctrine of eternal pre-destination.)

     I also cringe when I hear hybrid rhetorics which virtually reduce human history to the story of Jesus.  These rhetorics seem to echo the vision inscribed in the Prologue of John which places the eternal Word at the center of the whole of creation, of human history and of the lives of individuals, but they map the vision onto a meta-narrative which describes the Incarnation as a response to an original sin which severed the natural relationship between Creator and creatures.  In this meta-narrative, the incarnate Word simply submitted to the plan of salvation (or justification) dictated by an interplay between divine justice and divine mercy.  In turn, this submission to the dictates of a God of power and judgment won for Jesus the role as the sole mediator between God and sinful humans once and for all.

    The doctrine of exclusive election implicit in this meta-narrative has particularly malignant implications.  Presumably, Jesus' saving (justifying) activity in human history ended with his sacrificial death on the Cross.  Thereafter, if we are Protestants, we enter the story of Jesus by accepting justification by faith alone, and if we are Catholics, we enter the story by meriting the sanctifying grace merited by Jesus' sacrifice.
   
    Two questions cry out for attention.  (1)  "Do we enter the story of Jesus as bit parts in an already written script or as co-authors of a never-ending story?"  And (2)  "Do we rely on literary conventions derived from the metaphor of power or literary conventions derived from the metaphor of intimacy to process our everyday experiences?" 

    The answers to these questions are intertwined.  The critical apparatus generated by the metaphor of power and judgment promises the sort of closure which implies that the script of the story must be in place, timelessly.  In marked contrast, the critical apparatus generated by the metaphor of intimacy implies that the incarnate Word longs to interact passionately, vulnerably, respectfully and faithfully with each and every human being throughout the course of human history.  And in and through these interactions, the incarnate Word reveals to us that the involvement of the Father and the Holy Spirit in our lives is motivated by the same longing and enlists us as co-authors of his story.

    My thesis here is quite straightforward:  In an incarnational theology, the three divine Persons in the triune God find ingenious ways to invite us to be co-authors of the story of Jesus.  This proclamation questions the central issue in the misplaced debate between Catholic and Protestant theologians.  In this debate, both sides embrace a hierarchically structured relationship between the Creator and sinful human beings;  they simply fill its hollow center in divergent ways.  The Protestant position insists that the incarnate Word is the sole mediator between God and the offspring of Adam and calls individuals to stand naked before God, confessing their utter sinfulness.  (Today, many Protestants argue that Catholics are not truly Christians, since Catholics do not seek to foster an intensely emotional encounter with Jesus or insist that Jesus is the sole mediator between God and sinful human beings.)  In marked contrast, Catholics believe that Jesus' love comes to us through one another.  (Today, many Catholics argue that the encounter with Jesus fostered by Protestant evangelists is superficial.)

    From the perspective offered by an incarnational theology, however, the Protestant protest targeted a questionable definition of how Jesus' love comes to us through one another.  This definition can be found today in pronouncements of Pope Benedict XVI and officials in the Roman Curia who supplement the hierarchical structure of Thomistic theology with a juridical-bureaucratic model that implies that God's love comes to us through a clerically structured institutional Church and through Sacraments defined as rituals which confer sanctifying and actual grace.  I reject this model of the Church as vehemently as any Protestant, but my rejection does not condemn me to the Protestant position, since the use of the prophetic metaphor of intimacy to process my everyday experiences is centered in the Sacramental system, not a hierarchically structured institution, and offers a very different understanding of the Sacraments.

      I.e., the sacramental theology generated by this metaphor asserts that Jesus instituted the Sacraments as rituals intended to express his commitment to be intimately involved with us at critical moments in our journeys into the unknown.  Here, the Sacrament of Marriage provides a paradigm example.  In the exchange of vows which initiates a marriage in Christ, couples commit themselves to person-to-person involvements with one another and with Jesus.  The form of their vow is given in Jesus' call, "Love one another as I have loved you."  If they are realistic, they are aware that they cannot yet imagine how intimately Jesus loves each of them, but they will have experienced intensely personal interactions which offered glimpses of the ways that Jesus' love for each and both of them comes to them through one another.

       Sadly, the standard theology of marriage does little to make spouses aware of the ways that the Father's providence is at work in events in their shared journey and the urgings of the indwelling Spirit seek to teach them how to live in a way that responds to Jesus' call to love one another as he loves them.  But when I focus on an understanding of the Sacrament informed by a metaphor of intimacy, I find that engaged couples are stunned by the awareness that this call speaks to the deepest longing of their heart.  It is easy, then, to help them understand how deepening intimacy will trigger emotional reactions which reveal that they cannot yet imagine how intimately Jesus, the Father and the Holy Spirit are involved in their lives or how to realize the deepening person-to-person involvement that they long for so urgently.

      In sum, as spouses become more deeply involved, not less, events will reveal that they do not know how to be fully human and uniquely themselves.  E.g., they will discover that their responses to one another are distorted by fears of revealing themselves and of not knowing how to respond to each other's cries from the depths.  Hopefully, as they realize that the incarnate Word became fully human in order to urge us on in that quest, they will discover that the compassion of the Wounded Healer comes to them through each other's compassion in their uniquely personal interactions.

    In sum, fidelity to marriage vows informed by Jesus' call, "Love one another as I have loved you," evokes experiences which reveal Jesus' willingness to invite us to co-author his story.  Though this call may be addressed to all of us, we have neither the opportunity nor the energy to be as intimately involved with everyone as Jesus is.  In a marriage in Christ, however, two unique individuals say to each other:  "I long to become as intimately involved with you as Jesus is.  Often, I will not know how.  Often, my woundedness will evoke buried pain, anger, fear and shame that tempts me to hide from you or to control interactions between us.  Often, when we are struggling, I will pretend to tell the authorized version of any event that taps my woundedness.  But I will listen to your version with a sympathetic imagination.  And I will be grateful to God that, through these vulnerable self-revelations, I will experience a multitude of graced moments in which your compassion frees me from captivity to long-buried woundedness, your fond delight in me enables me to hope that God might delight in me, and your willingness to work through cross-situations in ways that involved us more deeply in each other's tangled depths helped me to understand the process of forgiveness.

    I must confess that I have known more couples who lapsed into separate lives than couples who shared a journey into the unknown passionately, vulnerably, respectfully and faithfully.  Consequently, I sometimes wonder if my understanding of the Sacrament of Marriage is influenced too much by long-term involvements with couples engaged in cold or hot wars and couples who fail to understand why their love has grown so dim and dull.

    In these involvements, many couples came to talk because the husband did not know how to respond to the desperate loneliness voiced by his wife.  Though the wife would not believe his protestations, he genuinely wanted to make her happy.  With a desperation equal to hers, he would ask both of us:  "What do you want me to do?".  And it would become apparent that he was unable to understand that she was crying out for vulnerable self-revelations of his deepest feelings, including feelings for her and feelings about situations he faced.

     Quite obviously, individuals who cannot acknowledge and embrace a longing for intimacy cannot resonate with the proclamation that Jesus loves them passionately, vulnerably, respectfully and faithfully.  They have interiorized an arsenal of emotional reactions designed to defuse cries of loved ones that would tap deeply buried feelings.  Since no one had involved them as co-authors of a journey to deepening intimacy prior to marriage, they could hardly talk with Jesus or with their wives about passionate responses they could not identify, feel or own as their own.  And in many cases, they feared intimacy as a journey into the unknown which would reveal how unlovable they were.  A journey of separate lives was much safer.

     Undoubtedly, these experiences contributed to my conviction that we cannot know how Jesus longs to love us into wholeness until we experience the love of someone who longs for an ever-deepening person-to-person involvement with us.  Jesus loves the husbands who fear the interior life as a foreign and hostile terrain, but they do not and cannot yet let that love touch them.  And in their woundedness, they cannot know that Jesus suffers what they suffer because he is intimately involved with them until they dare to co-author a perilous journey to intimacy with a loved one.

     But my own experiences have also evoked an awed awareness of Jesus' willingness to welcome me as a co-author of his never-ending story.  I often kick against the goad, but I am also grateful that the story of the involvement of the eternal Word in the lives of unique individuals would be different without my quest for intimacy with others and with him.

    In sum, Jesus is not involved with us as the sole mediator between God and sinful humans.  The misplaced debate between Catholic and Protestant theologians places the point at issue in the hollow center of a hierarchical structure legitimated by the Hellenic metaphor of power and judgment.  The meta-narrative framed by this metaphor is subverted by the incarnational theology which presents each of the three divine Persons as lovers who seek to be intimately involved with finite human beings on their quest for an ever-more fully human and uniquely personal existence.  And this theology is framed by a metaphor which defines a loving involvement as the call for passionate, vulnerable, respectful and faithful interactions.



45. CATHOLIC-PROTESTANT POLEMICS: A MISPLACED DEBATE

     The theological discourse forged by medieval theologians enshrined a critical apparatus designed to wed faith and reason.  The role played by reason is particularly evident in the metaphor of the Two Books which framed their controversies.  In its paradigm instantiation, the rule of reason was inscribed in the metaphor which implied that the Book of Nature authored by a rational and purposive Creator could be read by the natural light of reason.  In this context, the interplay between Books which revealed God's creative and saving wills would yield a doctrinal system which satisfied the dictates of reason.

     At the dawn of the Modern Era, the metaphor of the Two Books trapped Catholic and Protestant apologists in a misplaced debate that persists to this day.  In short, the conception of reason it enshrined fostered the belief that theological arguments will ultimately yield a single authoritative reading of a sprawling text which had previously been subjected to multiple misreadings.  But this belief centered the debate in a polemical structure derived from a metaphor of power and judgment.

     On the foundational level, the workings of the metaphor of power and judgment can be seen in the meta-narrative shared by Catholic and Protestant polemicists.  For its starting point, this meta-narrative enshrined the harsh doctrine of original sin that Augustine extracted from the Yahwist's story of Adam and Eve.  In this violent misreading of a wild and wonderful story, Yahweh's prohibition of moral discourse imposed a power-structure on his relationship with Adam.  From a detached perspective, Augustine could easily embrace this interpretation, since the role played by the power-structure in the story recurs in the passage in which Yahweh seeks to alleviate Adam's loneliness by granting him power over the animals while reserving authority over moral discourse to himself.  As the story continues, however, when this well-meaning effort fails, Yahweh forms Eve as a help-mate to Adam.  To deny Eve the role of a prophet who must protest against the violence inherent in a prohibition of moral discourse, Augustine asserted that Eve was seduced by the devil (appearing as a serpent) and, in turn, seduced Adam.

    At this point in Augustine's misreading, judgment enters with a vengeance.  As a just Judge, the Creator had to decree that Adam's sin ruptured the natural order irreparably, corrupted human nature, and severed the natural relationship between Creator and creatures.  (Note the emphasis on the sense of corporate responsibility characteristic of the participative existence fostered by orality.)

         (A note in passing:  My critique of Augustine's reading is indebted to Ong's analysis of the transition from orality to literacy as the foundation of the biblical tradition.  First and foremost, Augustine read the story as an accurate historical account of an event in a primordial past.  Since I read the story as literature, I understand the prohibition of moral discourse as a rhetorical ploy which allowed the Yahwist to evoke the felt experience of a transition from orality to literacy as the foundation of Hebrew culture.  In my reading, therefore, Yahweh speaks as the guardian of orality's illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality which was being subverted by the detachment inherent in writing and reading, while Eve functions as the personification of the eruption of a self-consciousness that offers glimpses of unfathomable depths and a mysterious freedom.

        Since I read this text as a story rather than a historical account, I trace the intention of the author to a desire to evoke in readers an identification with a felt experience.  In any case, the story inscribed a tension between orality and literacy that re-appears in the mediation of a text implicit in the Deuteronomic strand in the narrative tradition and the return to orality inscribed in the prophetic metaphors of intimacy.  And in that foundational role, it introduced literary conventions and a narrative strategy which, over the course of centuries, generated a distinctive literary form, the prose narrative, which provided conventions which the prophets interweave in inexhaustible, yet focused metaphors of intimacy.  Finally, from the interplay between this literary form and the metaphor of intimacy, biblical scholars can derive a hermeneutical theory (a reading code) which differs radically from that of Augustine and, through him, of Aquinas, Luther and Calvin.)


    To appreciate the authority acquired by Augustine's doctrine of original sin, we do well to note the interplay between the anxiety of authorship and the issue of authority.  Thus, authors who seek to communicate through texts risk being misunderstood with no way to address the misinterpretation.  To minimize that risk, they tend to utilize literary conventions with which their absent audiences are familiar.  In so doing, they grant authority to the texts of the authors whose conventions they adopt.  Over the course of centuries, theologians who utilized literary conventions encoded in Augustine's texts allowed him to define God's entry into human history as a response to the sin of Adam.  In so doing, they presented a meta-narrative which implied that the eternal Word would not have become incarnate if Adam had not sinned as the authoritative reading of the Judaic-Christian Scriptures.

    In this meta-narrative, God's response to an original sin is ruled by justice and mercy, not informed by an everfaithful and all-inclusive love.  In short, since Adam sought to usurp the authority of an infinite Being, divine justice had to declare that the natural relationship between Creator and creatures was severed beyond repair, but divine mercy devised a solution to an otherwise intractable problem.  Fully God, the eternal Word could make fitting reparation by becoming fully human and undergoing a cruel and humiliating death on the Cross as a sacrifice that could make fitting reparation and restore the severed relationship.

         (Note in passing:  Historically, Augustine's theology of redemption differed significantly from that of his literary heir, Luther.  The pregnant phrase which summarized his understanding of the workings of God's activity in human history referred to Adam's sin as a "happy fault," since the saving activity of Jesus both restored and elevated human nature.  In effect, he retained the creative tension implicit in the dictum, "Grace builds on nature."  But he also laid the literary foundation for the meta-narrative which situated theological inquiries between two events, Adam's sin and Jesus' sacrificial death on the Cross.  And he was largely responsible for the authority of a language centered in references to redemption ("buying back"), expiation, and reparation ("paying a price for sin").)

    The rule of the metaphor of power and judgment inscribed in this meta-narrative reduced the relationship between God and Israel to a contract.  This reduction echoed Paul's reading of God's covenant with Israel as a covenant of Law.  It is also present, if hidden, in the assumption that a restoration of a relationship severed by the sin of Adam required fitting reparation.  (Luther's rejection of the traditional tension between faith and works is little more than a rhetorical sleight of hand.  In and through his doctrine of faith alone, he rejects the traditional belief that salvation must be merited through works, but he frames this rejection by an insistence that Jesus performed the saving work for us.)

    In understandable ways, Luther's protest again "works" was designed to replace the supposition that God's love could be earned or merited with an insistence on the sheer gratuity of salvation.  In his own life as an Augustinian priest, the futility he experienced in his desperate efforts to merit God's love magnified the hold of Augustine's harsh doctrine of original sin.  To escape from that futility by embracing it, he emphasized that, because of Adam's sin, we are utterly and inescapably self-centered.  From this starting point, he could (1) insist that God had imposed a covenant (contract) of Law on Israel to reveal the futility of works and (2) reduce the New Covenant to pure gift by re-inscribing the contractual model of the Covenant in the supposition that God had to require the sacrificial death of God's own Son as the only way that fitting reparation could be made to divine justice.
 
    Since I believe that intimacy is the deepest longing of the human heart (including Luther's), I suggest that this meta-narrative has tragic implications.  First and foremost, Luther's doctrine of justification by faith alone forced him to use a conception of God dictated by the metaphor of power and judgment as the god-term in his hermeneutical theory.  But an analysis of the distinctive form of life which can transform the longing for intimacy into a realizable quest reveals that recourse to power or judgment in person-to-person involvements aborts the quest for deepening intimacy and does violence to all concerned.

    In effect, Luther used the doctrine of justification by faith alone to support a promise of instant intimacy.  Presumably, to receive the pure gift of justification, one had only to stand naked before God in and through a confession of utter and inescapable sinfulness and to believe that Jesus had made fitting reparation for human sinfulness.  But the flight from intellectual integrity did not end there.  Since this doctrine was hardly self-evident, Luther's followers had to insist that the Scriptures spoke as an autonomous (self-interpreting) text which spoke immediately as the word of God and that his extraction of the doctrine from a sprawling text was devoid of interpretation.

    As I noted in the previous reflection, this insistence forced his Protestant offspring to endow a text with power to speak as an immediate word of God.



Summary:  The Metaphor of Power and Judgment

    I trust that the above sketch indicates the way that the rule of reason, the conception of the autonomous text and the metaphor of power and judgment provided the stage for a misplaced debate between Catholic and Protestant polemicists.  For the sake of economy, I pass over the controversies concerning Jesus' role as mediator in a relationship framed by a metaphor of power and judgment and by the Catholic insistence that a hierarchically structured institution is a divinely constituted interpreter of Scripture and Tradition.  I also resist the temptation to show that Calvin's harsh doctrine of eternal predestination takes the metaphor of power and judgment to its logical extreme.  I do so because my thesis can best be supported by a sketch of the violence done to the biblical tradition by this misplaced debate.

The Biblical Tradition

    The triumph of literacy over orality in both ancient Greece and ancient Israel involved a revolutionary restructuring of thought and inquiry, but the authors with very different understanding of human existence were forced to construct very different literary forms as the means to focus analyses of language which illuminated the experiences which they adopted as paradigmatic.  In this context, the Hellenic and Hebrew literary tradition forged distinctive literary forms designed to illuminate very different experiences.  Consequently, any reading of the Judaic-Christian Scriptures through the code which governed the western philosophical tradition does violence to the biblical tradition.

    Thesis:  The misplaced debate between Catholics and Protestants was framed by the literary form of the autonomous text and a metaphor of power and judgment.  The biblical tradition was framed by a distinctive literary form, the prose narrative, and by a metaphor of intimacy.

    Five factors played critical roles in the restructuring of the workings of language in the biblical tradition.  (1)  The Hebrew literary tradition used stories to process Israel's historical experience.  (2)  Though Hebrew storytellers sought objective descriptions of how Israel's God was active in her history, they could not have imagined the sort of historical inquiries that the rule of reason demands.  (3)  The redactors (Scribes) who stitched together stories composed over the course of four centuries during the Babylonian Exile were clearly motivated by a fear that Israel's cultural and literary heritage was being lost.  (4)  Here, a major difference between the philosophical and the biblical traditions becomes obvious.  The philosophical tradition transformed the interrogatory stance inherent in the interiorization of literacy into inquiries designed to penetrate the flux of experience in ways that sorted out interactions among impersonally operating forces of nature.  The biblical tradition sought truth-telling descriptions of a process conducive to deepening person-to-person involvements.  (5)  For this reason, storytellers in the biblical tradition forged a distinctive literary form, the prose narrative, which enabled them to process the Israel's historical experience through the lens of the belief that an incomprehensible deity was involved in intensely personal ways with unique individuals endowed with unfathomable depths and a mysterious freedom.

    The workings of the prose narrative can be seen in the centuries-long dialogue among storytellers preserved in the sprawling text stitched together by the Scribes in Babylon.  To transmit Israel's historical existence, these anonymous authors used literary conventions derived from the Exodus- and Covenant-themes encoded in the stories of the Yahwist and the Elohist.

    In this context, the stories generated by the Exodus-theme depict human existence as a perpetual journey into the unknown.  As a more detached perspective, the Covenant-theme centered the journeys in question in intensely personal interactions between Israel's God and her patriarchs, matriarchs and their offspring.


    Though the Exodus-theme was inscribed in the story of Adam and Eve in a rudimentary way, its clearest formulation can be found in the story which recorded words purportedly spoken by Yahweh which sent Abram, son of Terah, forth on a journey into the unknown as Abraham of Yahweh.  These words gave form and direction to the series of stories centered in intermittent encounters between Yahweh and Abraham, including the introduction of the Covenant-theme in the passage in which Yahweh asserted categorically:  "I will be your God, and you will be my people."

    For centuries thereafter, the interplay between the Exodus- and Covenant-themes revolved around the promises of land, prosperity and many offspring associated with this categorically asserted Covenant.  As literary conventions, these concrete promises signified the promise of a fullness of life.  Taken literally, they generated the Deuteronomic strand in the literary tradition which read the covenant through a code derived from the metaphor of power and judgment inscribed in the Yahwist's story of Adam and Eve.

    The literary foundations of the Deuteronomic strand can easily be exposed.  If the promises attached to Yahweh's Covenant with Abraham were taken literally, their fulfillment was constantly deferred.  To save the vision, storytellers in this strand reformulated the categorically asserted Covenant as a conditional contract.  From this perspective, they could answer questions concerning the power or fidelity of Israel's God with a rhetoric which blamed Israel' failure to observe the Law for that deferral.


The Story of Adam and Eve

    Here and elsewhere, I read the story of Adam and Eve as a provocative articulation of the tensions evoked by literacy's gradual encroachment on a domain previously ruled by orality.

    In this story, the Yahwist introduced the metaphor of power and judgment through the prohibition which reserved authority over moral discourse to himself.  As the author of the prohibition, Yahweh speaks as the custodian and protector of orality.  As the story unfolds, however, the Yahwist used passages telling of the bemusement experienced by Yahweh when he noticed that Adam was lonely to expose the dehumanizing and depersonalizing effects of a power-structure, and he added emphasis to this insight in passages detailing the futility of Yahweh's attempt to assuage the loneliness by endowing Adam with power over the animals.

    References to Adam's loneliness suggested an emerging awareness of interiority on the part of Adam.  But Eve entered the scene as the archetypal bearer of an eruptive self-consciousness indebted to the interiorization of literacy.  In and through Eve's transgression of Yahweh's prohibition, the Yahwist offered glimpses of the unfathomable depths and mysterious freedom of human beings which would play a crucial role in the metaphors of intimacy projected by Israel's great prophets.  (In sum, the reference to Eve's desire for wisdom introduced a seminal formulation of the longing for ever-deepening person-to-person involvement evoked by vulnerable encounters.)

    Note well:  I do not pretend that my reading offers the authoritative reading of the story.  If anything, it implies that an authoritative reading of any story is quite impossible.  I do insist, however, that the narrative structure of the story generated diverging retellings of Israel's historical existence by both the Deuteronomic storytellers and Israel's great prophets.  From a critical perspective, therefore, the role it played in the Hebrew narrative tradition differed radically from the role played by the interplay between an interrogatory stance and the totalizing thrust of language in the Hellenic philosophical tradition.

    In the biblical tradition, the story of Adam and Eve functioned as the repository of an interplay between a rudimentary metaphor of power and judgment and an eruptive self-consciousness which evoked a longing for deepening person-to-person involvements.  In myriad responses to the tensions articulated in the story, the tradition gradually wove conventions which gave form and direction to the dialogue among storytellers into a distinctive literary form, the prose narrative, as the only literary form capable of framing a dialogue capably of probing a mystery without lapsing into mystification.


    The difference between the narrative structure of this literary form and the structure of the autonomous text can be succinctly stated.  The structure of the autonomous text is centered in a principle of logical identity designed to impose closure on questioning.  In marked contrast, the narrative structure ensures that any account of an event can generate retellings which offer pregnant insights into the roles played by unique individuals in the event in question.  This structure requires storytellers who seek to tell the authorized version of an event to (1) set a scene, (2) populate it with memorably unique individuals, (3) assign these individuals roles in the story, (4) focus on the interaction of these agents in a concrete situation, and (5) indicate the short-term and long-term consequences of any individual's action or reaction.

    Logically, this narrative structure enables storytellers who seek to challenge some prevailing authorized version to (1) set the scene in a more distant past or add telling details to the original setting of the scene, (2) introduce additional characters, (3) assign roles to the agents in question which attribute different motivations and purposes to all concerned, (4) sort out the factors which produce the event in different ways, and (5) re-assess or re-envision the outcome of the event.  In sum, the narrative structure ensures that any telling of an event invites endless retellings in a way which guarantees that no one can pretend to tell the authorized version of an event or a course of human history.  But it also fosters a dialogue among storytellers who wish to formulate a language capable of illuminating intensely personal interactions among unique individuals in depth and detail.

        (Addendum:  From an analytic perspective, the narrative structure implies that immediate interactions are inherently superficial.  The most intense among them may foster the illusion of instant intimacy.  But the empty center of an eruptive self-consciousness engenders a rupture of orality's illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality as radical as the rupture introduced by the interiorization of literacy as an interrogatory stance.  I suggest, therefore, that a biblical discourse generated by a narrative structure exposes Luther's illusory promise of instant intimacy.)

    The literary form of the prose narrative generated the multi-dimensional language which served as the medium for the prophetic metaphors of intimacy.  Intriguingly, the prophets returned to face-to-face encounters with questioning audiences.  In some passages, they speak as messengers of a God of power and judgment.  But in and through their metaphors of intimacy, they recover the early vision of a God who is involved in intensely personal ways with unique individuals.  And over the course of centuries, these metaphors generated the form of life which reveals that the journey to intimacy calls for passionate, vulnerable, respectful and faithful interactions and that judgments and strategies generated by a metaphor of power and judgment do violence to all concerned.

     Here, we do well to note that a willingness to engage in the vulnerable self-revelations conducive to the quest for deepening person-to-person involvement requires a willingness to learn how to speak in a narrative voice.  Like the voice of reason, this narrative voice is a literary construct.  But certain differences are obvious.  The voice of reason promises a dispassionate, disinterested perspective which individuals can occupy interchangeably.  Historically, its proponents disguise its depersonalizing import by equating objectivity with the power to re-produce the event always and everywhere.  In marked contrast, the narrative voice assumes the historicity and textuality of experience.  It implies that my perspective on and analysis of any person-to-person interaction is indebted to my response to events in my personal history and to the formative power of the language I use to process the experience.  Consequently, if I pretend to tell the authorized version of a shared event, my story reveals as much or more about me than about the interaction in question, and if I can listen to versions of the same event offered by loved ones with a sympathetic imagination, I become more honest about my own tangled depths and more aware of the formative events in their personal histories.

    In the New Testament, the vision centered in intensely personal interactions between an incomprehensible God and unique individuals endowed with unfathomable depths found its voice in the Prologue of the Gospel of John.  This Prologue places the eternal Word at the center of the divine life of a Triune God, the act of creation, the course of human history, and the lives of each and every human being.  Its depiction of a Christocentric universe implies that the Word would have become incarnate whether or not sin entered the human world.  And on a positive note, it provides biblical warrant for an incarnational theology which assures wounded individuals that each of the three divine Persons is passionately, vulnerably, respectfully and faithfully involved with them.

    By extension, this incarnational theology insists that God's love is everfaithful and all-inclusive.  Several implications of this description of divine love regarding the misplaced debate between Catholic and Protestant theologians are worth noting:  (1)  This description of God's love cannot be reconciled with the supposition that divine justice had to demand a sacrificial death of the eternal Word on the cross as the only sort of reparation capable of restoring a severed relationship between God and human beings.  (Only a theology grounded in a metaphor of power and judgment could license a meta-narrative in which justice trumped love.)

        (2)  Paul's characterization of God's covenant with Israel as a covenant of Law implied that a new covenant centered in Jesus Christ both abrogated and fulfilled the earlier covenant.  But Paul obviously read the Jewish Scriptures through a code derived from the Deuteronomic strand in the Hebrew narrative tradition.  This strand insisted that the prescriptions, prohibitions, norms and practices encoded in the Law could relate the whole of life to God and set Israel apart from her idolatrous neighbors.  As such, it clearly encoded an understanding of fullness and totality which was constantly subverted by changing conditions of life.  In this context, Paul's tortured reflections on his previous commitment to a covenant of Law ignored changing conditions of life in favor of a desire to replace the impersonality of conformity to laws with a law of love written in the hearts of all.  Consequently, one can only wonder how he would have formulated his gospel message if he had respected the import of stories which depicted God's intensely personal involvement with Israel's patriarchs and matriarchs and of the comparison of the covenant between God and Israel to a marriage union in Hosea and Second and Third Isaiah.

        (3)  Scholars in the history of religions agree that the Israelites were the first people to replace the structure of myth and epic which grounded culture in a primordial past to a vision of an uncanny deity who entered human history in words spoken to unique individuals at assignable places and times.  As the Deuteronomic strand in the narrative tradition shows, however, whenever the call to a perpetual journey into the unknown immersed the Israelites in perilous situations, they experienced the anxiety encapsulated in the dictum, "It is a fearsome thing to fall into the hands of the living God."  To escape that anxiety, the Deuteronomic tradition defined Israel's positive and distinctive identity in terms of a codified set of prescriptions, prohibitions and practices.  Deliberately or unwittingly, the storytellers who applied the foundational stories of the tradition to historical events fostered a doctrine of exclusive election which is incompatible with a belief that God's love is all-inclusive.

            Addressing fearful, angry believers at times when Israel's very existence was threatened, the prophets rejected the doctrine of exclusive election.  A clear example of that rejection can be found in First Isaiah's insistence that the gift which allowed the Israelites to discern God's personal involvement with them voiced a commission to bear witness to God's involvement with all human beings.

        (4)  The Yahwist's story of Adam and Eve introduced a vision of an uncanny God involved in intensely personal interactions with human beings whose immersion in orality's illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality denied them the means to discern that activity.  Over the course of centuries, the displacement of orality by literacy as the foundation of culture generated variations on themes encoded in this story in stories designed to reveal calls to a perpetual journey into the unknown hidden in God's initiatives and the flights from intimacy provoked by perils encountered on the journey.  The paradigm example of such flights can be found in efforts of Deuteronomic storytellers to center Israel's positive and distinctive identity in a Law purportedly dictated to Moses in theophanies on Mt. Sinai.  But such flights were exposed by insights encoded in both the foundational stories of the narrative tradition and the prophetic metaphors of intimacy which provide a literary perspective for an incarnational theology.

        (5)  An incarnational theology is centered in the belief that the incarnate Word was both fully human and fully God.  As fully human, the Incarnate Word fulfills the promise of immediate presence, fullness and totality inscribed in the symbolic promises of land, prosperity and many offspring which supplemented the categorically asserted covenant between God and Abraham.  In an assertion attributed to Jesus in John, the Word became fully human that we might have life and have it more abundantly.  From this perspective, the Incarnation which occurred in the fullness of time was the fulfillment of God's intensely personal involvement with all human beings from the beginning of time.  It did not initiate a radically different covenant which abrogated God's covenant with Israel.

        (6)  An incarnational theology views the covenant as a commitment on the part of God to share intimately in the lives of human beings, not as a conditional (contractual) relationship.  It assumes that even God could not share human existence fully without becoming incarnate.  From this perspective, the conception of Jesus in Mary's womb sealed the covenant.  In sum, it expressed the commitment to the sort of intimate involvement with all human beings encapsulated in Jesus' statement, "Whatever you do to the least of my brothers and sisters, you do to me."  And in this context, the crucifixion and resurrection reveal Jesus' willingness to bear all the pain that human beings inflict on one another.  As such, the cross-resurrection theme bears witness to the fact that even the Agony in the Garden and the cruel crucifixion had no effect on the commitment to an ever-faithful and all-inclusive love on the part of each of the Persons in the Triune God.

        (7)  In the Catholic tradition, the understanding of the covenant as a commitment on the part of the Triune God finds a pregnant expression in the Sacramental system.  The Eucharist provides the clearest example.  When Jesus instituted the Eucharist as the Last Supper, he anticipated the resurrection.  In an awesome way, he assured his disciples that, despite the denials of Peter and the abandonment by all but John, his everfaithful love would continue to be active in their lives.

                      ----------------

         (Addendum:  Paul was largely responsible for the distinction (1) which reduced the Jewish Scriptures to an Old Testament which bore witness to a Covenant of Law imposed by God on Israel, (2) which led later authors to suppose that the texts accepted into the Christian canon as a New Testament bore witness to a new Covenant signed and sealed by the sacrificial death of God's own Son on the Cross in reparation for human sinfulness, and (3) which was later used to argue that the New Testament contained a code which legitimated readings of the Old Testament which asserted that God imposed the Covenant of Law to expose the futility of efforts to make reparation for an inescapable sinfulness induced by original sin through works commanded by the Law.

         Regarding the third point, above:  Paul's distinction was solidly entrenched in Tradition at the dawn of the Modern Era.  On his part, Luther attempted to use the distinction to eliminate Tradition as a code for reading the Scriptures.  The "Tradition" in question was limited to a dialogue of text with text which located authority in those who could enter the dialogue on its own terms.  (In effect, it limited authority to those who knew how to play the game.)  Consequently, on a positive note, Luther recognized that such an understanding of Tradition subjected the religious experience of the faithful to the authority of contemporary Scribes and Pharisees.  Sadly, however, he centered his protest in a slogan, sola Scriptura, which retained a conception of the autonomous text indebted to a meta-narrative framed by a metaphor of power and judgment.

          I.e., to read the Judaic-Christian Scriptures as a single text, Luther embraced the readings of the Jewish Scriptures governed by the depiction of the God who imposed the Law as a God of power and judgment.  In this context, he could frame his suggestion that God imposed the Covenant of Law in order to expose the futility of "salvation through works" with the depiction of God in Paul's understanding of God's covenant with Israel as a covenant or Law and in Augustine's harsh doctrine of original sin.  But this argument forced him to pretend that the reading of the Scriptures which yielded his doctrine of justification was devoid of interpretation.

            As the god-term in Luther's theology, this doctrine presented justification as a pure (unmerited) gift.  By extension, sinful humans could know of the gift only if God revealed it clearly in an enduring text.  But the doctrine implicitly silences the call for an intensely personal response to God's activity in every event in one's life.   It stands, then, as yet another desperate flight from the perils of passionate, vulnerable, respectful and faithful responses to each of the three divine Persons and to loved ones.    
                        ______________


Saturday, January 9, 2016

44. ORALITY AND LITERACY


    Today, only adherents of some -ism deny that the western philosophical, biblical and theological traditions are transmitted by a dialogue of text with text over the course of almost three millennia.  The code that gives form and direction to my reading of this dialogue is indebted to Walter Ong's re-creation of the revolutionary restructuring of thought inherent in literacy's triumph over orality as the foundation of western culture.  In the following reflection, I hope to lay bare the dynamics of the process in question.

Orality

    Prior to the invention of writing, the immediacy of oral-aural communications fostered both a participative existence and an illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality.  Since that illusory sense still haunts the rationalists of any ilk, we do well to contrast its role in primary oral cultures and its role in the western literary tradition.

     For the sake of brevity, I focus on the interplay between two factors in oral-aural communications, the workings of language and the fact that, since memory was the only repository of the past, the past lived only in the present.

        (1)  Since sound disperses immediately, the languages used to process everyday experience in primary oral cultures were both fluid and transient.  As a response to the fear of forgetting the hard-won lore of the past, communications were laden with memory-aides such as poetic images, formulaic clusters, frequent repetition and shared myths.  Despite these aids, however, words remained events whose meaning depended on consensual validation, and that validation, in turn, was indebted to tacit clues, such as a shared history, a concrete occasion, facial expressions, tone of voice and bodily gestures.

        (2)  The illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality had significant implications.
             a.  Language-users lacked significant distinctions among language, experience and reality.
             b.  In the same vein, they lacked significant distinctions among past, present and future.
             c.  As a result, they lacked the means to sort out experience in ways that offered glimpses into the depths of human interiority and into the operation of natural forces underlying experience.
             d.  And the resulting participative existence deprived them of the ability to forge fruitful distinctions among the personal, social, political, economic, aesthetic, historical, moral and religious dimensions of human existence.

        (3)  Eliade's analysis of foundational myths shows how these narratives functioned as both an aid to memory and a foundation of culture.  Structurally, myths traced practices conducive to survival and to social cohesion to acts of deities in a timeless past.  As conjunctive narratives, they depicted deities who acted capriciously and powerfully.  (In Gilbert Murray's terms, inhabitants of orally transmitted cultures worshipped their deities because they were powerful, not because they were moral.  I.e., since myths were conjunctive narratives, one could not question why the deities had acted as they did.)   Functionally, they implied that, to prevent a relapse into chaos, these acts must be re-iterated ritually and in everyday life.  And as sacred histories, they implied that questioning would reduce the dialogue they sanctioned to meaningless babble.

Literacy

    My re-creation of the gradual triumph of literacy over orality as the foundation of western culture revolves around the emergence of a distinctive literary form in ancient Babylon in the third millennium, B.C.E., and the uses made of that literary form by the Hellenic and Hebrew literary traditions.  But certain contrasts between orality and literacy are needed to illuminate the divergent uses made of this literary form by the Hellenic and Hebrew literary traditions.

        (1)  The detachment inherent in the act of writing and reading ruptured both the participative existence and the illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality fostered by orality. 

             (Though this addendum anticipates a detailed delineation of the process through which literacy displaced orality as the foundation of western culture, the ultimate triumph of literacy was assured because the detachment generated both scientific inquiries into the workings of nature and metaphors of individuality.  Re metaphors of individuality:  In the Modern Era, Descartes' abstract conception of solipsistic individuals who face one another as the Other and Kant's equally abstract conception of the autonomous individual carried the detachment encoded in the early metaphors of individuality to its logical extreme.)

        (2)  To render their texts intelligible to absent audiences, authors who hoped to communicate through texts had to invent literary conventions to supply for the absence of the tacit clues which supplemented oral-aural communications.  To avoid the equivalent of re-inventing the wheel repeatedly, later authors wove conventions forged by their literary predecessors into distinctive literary forms that gave form and direction to emerging literary traditions.

            Over the course of centuries, this inter-textual dialogue was restructured by conventions indebted to the ways that the continuous prose generated by alphabetical writing replaced poetic images, formulaic clusters, frequent repetitions and conjunctive narratives.

            I.e. in ancient Greece, the totalizing thrust of the literary conventions derived from continuous prose evoked an illusory confidence that a literary tradition could repair the original rupture of orality's illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality, while in ancient Israel the same conventions lent form and direction to stories designed to illuminate a perpetual journey into the unknown.  (The point at issue:  Authors whose texts inscribed the literary conventions which gave form and direction to the philosophical tradition and the early storytellers who were the strong authors in the Hebrew literary tradition utilized the conventions implicit in continuous prose in very different ways for very different purposes.)

        (3)  In its own right, the detachment inherent in the interiorization of literacy forced a radical restructuring of languages used to process everyday experiences.  I.e., consigned to writing in enduring texts, words which were events whose meaning depended on consensual validation in orally transmitted cultures were laden with meanings indebted to the usage of authors with different visions and agendas.  (Wittgenstein's metaphor:  Words are like ropes woven from many strands, with no strand running all the way through.  As a result, languages took on lives of their own.  In Kant's terms, they functioned as virtual "things-in-themselves".)

             As languages took on lives of their own and words with many meanings could be inscribed in metaphors, both the Hellenic and Hebrew literary traditions generated inquiries centered in distinctions among language, experience and reality.

        (4)  In ancient Greece, these distinctions provided the hollow center for Aristotle's correspondence theory of truth.  This theory defined truth as a correspondence of some sort between a linguistic formulation and an experienced state of affairs.  Over the course of centuries, true believers sought to save the theory through metaphors which defined the sort of correspondence required as an imitation, an imaging, a representation, a pre-figuring and a virtual picture.  But the quest was thoroughly discredited in the twentieth century by the collapse of ideal language programs designed to frame analyses of language and experience by a combination of a purely formal framework and a principle of verification.

            Ideal language programs promised a language capable of revealing the whole of reality transparently, in depth and detail.  Ironically, even before they came to prominence in the early decades of the twentieth century, Nietzsche's reading of the western literary tradition had exposed the will to power at work in literacy's triumph over orality.  And when I apply his hermeneutical code to these programs, it is obvious that they were legitimate offspring of the medieval metaphor which canonized Two Books purportedly authored by God, an autonomous Book of Nature which could be read by "the natural light of reason," and the Scriptures, grounded in the belief that they spoke as the revealed Word of God. Both books were obviously truth-telling.  I.e., since both these bounded Books were presumably authored by a rational and purposive Creator, the language inscribed in them could presumably present the whole of reality transparently.  And by extension, a reading accredited by readings of both texts would replace orality's illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality with a language inscribed in self-interpreting and self-referential texts, self-interpreting because they consisted of clear and distinct ideas and doctrines woven into a consistent, coherent, comprehensive and closed system and self-referential because they presented the whole of reality transparently.

                    (A confession:  This delineation of the gradual textualization of the Christian theological tradition supports my conviction that the wedding of philosophy and theology in Aquinas' Summa Theologica distorts the Scriptural message.  The very notion of a "Summa" promises a theological system consisting of clearly and distinctly formulated doctrines interwoven in a comprehensive and closed system.  In effect, it promises an autonomous text which is quite incompatible with the literary form that gives direction to the biblical tradition.  To understand the point at issue, however, we must begin with the literary form forged by unknown authors in Babylon in the third millennium, BCE.)

The Epic Poem as a Literary Form

    The Hellenic and Hebrew literary traditions which flourished in the first millennium, B.C.E. utilized the literary conventions which unknown authors in ancient Babylon wove into a distinctive literary form, the epic poem.  Since these poems were preserved, their authors must have been writing for a literate audience aware of the functioning of literary conventions invented by their predecessors.  But in ways that I can only sketch, they wove these conventions into a literary form which inserted an empty literary space into the midst of traditional myths.  Most importantly, they set in motion a restructuring of thought by populating this empty literary space with heroes and heroines in way which traced practices conducive to survival and social cohesion to acts of archetypal human beings rather than anthropomorphically depicted deities.

    The inner logic of this restructuring transformed literacy's rupture of orality's illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality into a place where human agency and culture might flourish.  (Since the authors of the poems were still captive to the logic of conjunctive narratives, they could not yet generate significant distinctions among past, present and future.  As a result, the archetypal figures they celebrated, like the deities they replaced, acted in a timeless past and exerted authority over present behavior.)

The Literary Form of the Autonomous Text

    The literary form inscribed in epic poetry gave form and direction to analyses of experience in both ancient Greece and ancient Israel.  But different interests, concerns and purposes led authors in ancient Greece and ancient Israel to frame the empty literary space with the distinctive literary forms which gave form and direction to the philosophical and biblical traditions.  A brief contrast between these literary forms follows.

              a.  The emergence of the western philosophical tradition can be traced to an interplay between the interiorization of literacy as an interrogatory stance and literary conventions derived from the totalizing thrust of language.  Left to its own devices, the rule of the interrogatory stance over the workings of language would frustrate efforts to accredit the correspondence theory of truth by licensing infinite divisibility and infinite regress.  Parmenides, Socrates, Plato and Aristotle countered this threat in distinctive ways.  Responding to authors whose inquiries still lacked significant distinctions among language, experience and reality, Parmenides posited a metaphorical One which endowed reality with all the traits of a bounded text written in continuous prose.  (Since the One is supposedly enduring, indivisible, changeless, continuous, bounded and circular, Parmenides had to conclude that change is an illusion.)  Well aware that the languages which transmitted different cultures promoted different values, Socrates imposed a dialectical structure on the dialogue within the city concerning moral issues, though the most he could promise was a self-knowledge that conferred self-mastery.  Dissatisfied with a moral discourse which could never yield definitive judgments, Plato translated the model of a text encoded in the Parmenidean One into a realm of clear and distinct, yet interpenetrating Ideal Forms.  And in and through this idealism, he implicitly fused descriptive and moral issues.  On his part, Aristotle was uneasy with the totalitarianism implicit in Plato's posit.  To counter it, he delineated (1) a language about language centered in a principle of logical identity and (2) an empirical approach designed to penetrate the flux of experience in ways that laid bare the workings of an enduring, bounded reality, as the grounds supporting his correspondence theory of truth.  And over the course of centuries, the literary origin of the abstract conception of reason in which the detachment inherent in literacy was transformed into a detached, god-like perspective on language, experience and reality that would confer both knowledge and power was forgotten.

                  (The Parmenidean One ruled language through the principle of logical identity.  Regarding orality, it generated the medieval conception of an hierarchically and teleologically structured universe and Heidegger's embrace of a purportedly all-encompassing notion of Being.  And in the domain of moral discourse, the rule of reason over unruly passions and desires functioned as a god-term in the contract theories of society forged by the dialogue between Hobbes and Locke and by Kant's effort to remove moral issues entirely from the political domain.)

    Finally, a language which fulfilled the criteria derived from the correspondence theory of truth could presumably be inscribed in an autonomous text.  And the ability of that text to reveal the whole of reality in depth and detail would translate orality's illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality, but without illusions, into a realized project.

The Autonomous Individual and the Myth of Modernity
     
    Given their different concerns and purposes, the Hellenic and Hebrew literary traditions forged distinctive literary forms and filled the hollow center of form which they used to process everyday experience in very different ways.  The Hellenic tradition interiorized the detachment inherent in literacy as an interrogatory stance, while the Hebrew tradition interiorized the same detachment as an eruptive self-consciousness which could only be explored through stories.  Here, I focus on the way that the myth of Modernity replaced the medieval promise of an autonomous text with Kant's conception of the autonomous individual.

    1.  Authors in ancient Greece used an evolving understanding of the workings of literary languages which functioned as virtual things-in-themselves to transform an interiorized interrogatory stance into inquiries capable of penetrating the flux of experience in ways that revealed the operation of natural forces.  In effect, they assumed that the mastery over language conferred by a knowledge of its workings was translatable into a knowledge of the workings of natural forces which conferred power over them.

         This insight came into its own at the dawn of the Modern Era, when Galileo, Copernicus and Descartes used it to transform the seminal dialogue among the pre-Socratics, Plato and Aristotle into a method of discovery which centered focused inquiries into a bounded reality in carefully constructed and controlled experiments.

            (In physics, the rule of the One emerged as the law of conservation of matter-energy.  This law was designed to interweave the changelessness of the Parmenidean One and the endless flux celebrated by Heraclitus in an heuristic principle which allowed matter to be transformed into energy, and vice versa, but rescued the commitment to carefully constructed experiments from the possibility that, if matter or energy popped into or out of existence, the identification of factors to be controlled would be quite impossible.)

    2.  A contrast between the languages of interiority generated by the Hebrew and Hellenic traditions offers insights into the point at issue here.  Authors in both traditions wove the literary conventions inscribed in the Babylonian epics into languages which offered glimpses into the hidden depths of human interiority.  To guide its processing of everyday experience, the Hebrew tradition forged a distinctive literary form, the prose narrative, since this form respected the mysterious freedom which haunts individuals who seek to respond with personal integrity in interactions with other unique individuals.  (From a Heideggerian perspective, this literary form respected the historicity of experience.)  In marked contrast, the Hellenic tradition favored inquiries designed to provide a description applicable to all human beings, always and everywhere.  Inexorably, these inquiries, governed by a literary construct which promised that reasonable beings could occupy a god-like perspective interchangeably, sought a single god-term capable of generating theories of human motivations which enabled psychologists to predict and, as a consequence, control the behavior of virtually interchangeable human agents.  (From a Heideggerian perspective, reason promised analyses which escaped from the historicity of experience.)

             (In effect, the supposition that psychology is a scientific discipline echoes the discredited promises of classical determinism.  In its most extreme version, this determinism was encapsulated in Laplace's promise that, if we knew the present position and moment of each particle in the universe, we could in principle predict all future states and retrodict all past states of affairs.  Note well:  As an inquiry framed by a metaphor of power and judgment, this vision of the operation of the universe reduces human motivation to an impersonally operating force of nature.  From a postmodernist perspective, however, classical determinism is simply another -ism designed to confer moral authority on the exercises of the will to power exposed by Nietzsche.  The ploy:  Since rational beings occupy a detached, disinterested, dispassionate, god-like perspective interchangeably, judgments dictated by reason (reasons) are both epistemologically neutral and morally compelling.)

    3.  In both traditions, once enduring texts displaced memory as the repository of the past, the fascination with human agency and culture fostered by epic poems revealed stark differences between the past depicted in traditional myths and epics and conditions of life in the immediate present.  And as languages incorporated signs marking significant differences among past, present and future, authors filled the empty literary space projected by the Babylonian epics with original visions of future states of affairs to be realized through human agency.  In this context, the literary conventions inscribed in the emerging conception of reason framed moral issues as a quest for a culture conducive to the quest for a fully human existence.  And since the original visions incorporated judgments and strategies designed to create conditions conducive to such an existence, the contention among them generated significant distinctions among the personal, social, economic, political, moral and religious dimensions of life.

    4.  In the so-called Age of the Enlightenment, the literary heirs of the rationalist tradition invoked Descartes' use of the interrogatory stance to liberate individuals from the constrictive hold of the dead hand of the past.  To obscure the literary origins of their own myth of pure beginnings, they populated the empty literary space which ruptured orality's illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality with autonomous individuals endowed with the power to create their own unique identities, master the operation of natural forces through the knowledge conferred by scientific advances, and co-author an ideal society capable of protecting their autonomous existence and fostering their longing for a fully human existence and of allowing them to be arbiters of their own destinies.

        From a critical perspective, the intelligibility of this myth depends on literary conventions inscribed in (1) the empty literary space posited by the Babylonian epics, (2) the metaphor depicting the city as the cradle of culture and civilization, (3) the literary construct which defined reason as a detached, god-like perspective on language, experience and reality, (4) the abstract conception of an autonomous text capable of presenting reality transparently, (5) the Cartesian myth of pure beginnings, (6) Kant's transformation of Descartes' solipsistic thinking being into the autonomous individual, (7) the secularization of eschatological themes enunciated in the Judaic-Christian Scriptures, and (8) Bacon's dictum, "Knowledge is power."

        The convergence of two items in this cluster merits special attention:  In the emerging delineation of human existence, the focus on knowledge implicit in the conception of the autonomous text was displaced by a focus on power implicit in the conception of the autonomous individual.  As a result, the promise of immediate presence, fullness and totality was grounded in the promise that autonomous individuals could become free by harnessing nature to their purposes and that this freedom enabled them to be arbiters of their own destiny.

           (A REPETITIOUS SUMMARY: LOST SENSE OF IMMEDIATE PRESENCE, FULLNESS AND TOTALITY  -  BY SUBSTITUTING THE AUTONOMOUS INDIVIDUALS FOR THE AUTONOMOUS TEXT.

           In ancient Athens, the metaphor depicting the city as the cradle of culture and civilization replaced the rule of anthropomorphic deities or archetypal figures with a commitment to subject face-to-face dialogue to the rule of reason.  To endow reason with the power to compel assent to the moral judgments it purportedly accredited, however, early authors had to find a way to impose closure on the endless questioning licensed by an interiorized interrogatory stance.  Clearly, if this stance simply displaced the participative existence fostered by orality, communication would be reduced to meaningless babble and social interactions among detached individuals would be ruled by the dictum, "Might makes right."

            Moved by a fascination with form and suspicion of passion, the authors whose texts gave form and direction to the rationalist strand of the western philosophical tradition escaped this fate by filling the empty literary space projected by the Babylonian epics with conceptions of human reality indebted to the totalizing thrust of continuous prose.  To subject the interrogatory stance to this totalizing thrust in ways that transformed endless questioning into revelatory inquiries, they fused differing versions of the rule of the One in a single literary construct, "reason."  As distinctions among language, experience and reality emerged, these versions included (a) the assumption that analyses of language and experience governed by a principle of logical identity would produce a language consisting of clear and distinct ideas in a consistent, coherent, comprehensive and closed system, (b) the depiction of reality as a finite, bounded cosmos, (c) the Medieval metaphor which depicted the universe as an autonomous Book authored by a rational and purposive Creator, (d) the sort of existence delineated by the Cartesian conception of a solipsistic thinking being and the Kantian conception of the autonomous individual, (e) Marx's promise that a course of human history propelled by a dialectically structured materialism would produce a communistic society devoid of conflict, (f) Nietzsche's insistence that the operation of an all-pervasive will to power was about to produce supermen who would live beyond good and evil, and (g) Heidegger's confidence that a notion of Being projected by the pre-Socratics prior to the emergence of clear distinctions among language, experience and reality could be used as the god-term in a reading code designed to recover the revelatory power of the western literary tradition from rationalizations enshrined in the philosophical tradition.  In this context, I intend to argue that any use of reason as a god-like perspective on language, experience and reality is full of both promise and peril.  My argument begins with the suggestion that the platform for the triumph of reason in the Modern Era was constructed by Medieval authors.  In effect, the constrictive belief-systems generated by a commitment to the totalizing thrust of continuous prose provoked the revival of the interrogatory stance in Descartes' methodical doubt.

    The stage for Descartes' methodical doubt was erected by Ockham's critique of medieval rationalism.  In and through this critique, Ockham forged a metaphor of individuality which, by privileging the interrogatory stance over the totalizing thrust of language, forced reason to recoil upon itself.  His assertion, "There are individuals:  how do we form valid universal conceptions and universally binding moral judgments?", shifted the target of the interrogatory stance from metaphysical to epistemological issues.  In this context, Descartes forged the literary framework for movements which promised that a privileged method could resolve all epistemological issues.

    To resolve those issues, Descartes encoded the interrogatory stance in a methodical doubt that promised a certain starting point for inquiries and laid the foundation for a myth of pure beginnings.  In the twentieth century, his philosophical heirs sought to resolve thorny epistemological issues by producing a critical apparatus capable of generating analyses of everyday languages and experiences which yielded an ideal language capable of presenting the whole of reality transparently, in depth and detail.  (The project would signal the ultimate fulfillment of the promise implicit in Aristotle's correspondence theory of truth.)  In every instance, these ideal language programs assumed that the use of a principle of logical identity in the analyses of the everyday languages used to process experience meaningfully would ultimately yield knowledge capable of generating definitive (authoritative) judgments devoid of arbitrariness, conventionality or the hidden exercises of the will to power exposed by Nietzsche's re-reading of the rationalist tradition.  As they collapsed from within, however, they revealed that the interrogatory stance at the center of the fictive voice of reason produces a recoil of reason upon itself whenever a new -ism succumbs to the seductive power of the totalizing thrust of language.

                 Logical Positivism was surely the most rigorous ideal language program.  Its adherents embraced without question the myth of pure beginnings generated by Descartes' methodical doubt.  To erase the tangled moral issues inherent in the convergence of the personal, social, political, economic, moral and religious dimensions of life, they had to ignore an inter-textual dialogue between Hobbes' effort to legitimate a totalitarian form of government and Locke's supposition that liberty is an inalienable right that continues to distort the political process in the United States today.  To that end, they replaced the debt of both Hobbes and Locke to the Hellenistic conviction that reason must rule unruly and disruptive eruptions of passion and desire with the supposition that reason offers a detached, disinterested, dispassionate perspective.  Presumably, such a perspective eliminates the issue of power from moral discourse and frees passion and desire from the hold of an ethical tradition which characterized them as eruptive and disruptive forces.

           (Hobbes insisted that only a form of government which endowed a dictator with absolute authority could prevent relapses into a war of all against all, while Locke depicted freedom as an inalienable right which could only be subjected to a form of government committed to the preservation and enhancement of this right.)

Catholic and Protestant Polemics:  A Misplaced Debate

    At the dawn of the Modern Era, the medieval metaphor of the Two Books provided the stage for a misplaced debate between Catholic and Protestant polemicists.  Through his effort to wed faith and reason, Aquinas had unwittingly woven this metaphor onto the metaphor of power and judgment, the literary source for his rationalistic conception of reason.  Then, to articulate the contributions of reason to an understanding of God's activity in the world, he had argued that, as a Book a authored by a rational and purposive Creator, the Book of Nature could be read by a natural light of reason.  To integrate this understanding of the use of reason with his understanding of faith, he began with the traditional belief that the Judaic-Christian Scriptures inscribed the revealed word of God which depicted the incarnation as God's saving response to an original sin.  Finally, to integrate the readings of both books, he drew the conclusion that God's creative and saving wills worked in harmony from the traditional dictum, "Grace builds on nature."

    Here, the debt of Aquinas's hermeneutical theory to Augustine's harsh doctrine of original sin is obvious.  Presumably, this sin darkened the natural light of reason.  As a result, the Scriptures were needed to guide and govern readings of the Book of Nature.  In the course of history, however, the Scriptures had generated wildly different readings.  In this context, a knowledge of the workings of God's creative will could be used to guide readings of the Scriptures.

    In Aquinas' hermeneutical (interpretative) theory, therefore, neither Book spoke as a straightforwardly autonomous text.  The emergence of this literary form awaited Descartes and Luther.  On his part, Descartes argued that, since the Book of Nature was written in the language of mathematics, readings governed by a hierarchically and teleologically structured metaphysical system were no longer tenable.  In his search for a certain starting point for inquiries capable of yielding objective descriptions, he used a suspect application of his methodical doubt to support both the autonomy of the natural order and a myth of pure beginnings.

    In the same vein, Luther grounded his polemical protest against abuses perpetrated and perpetuated by ecclesiastical authorities in a doctrinal formulation, "Justification by faith alone."  Rejecting traditional syntheses of faith and works, revelation and reason, and the sacred and the secular, he invoked a theological discourse which faced individuals with a terrifying choice between a life of eternal bliss in heaven or a life of eternal damnation in hell.  From this starting point, he could argue that, in such a momentous matter, God must have revealed his saving will clearly.  And since his doctrine of justification by faith alone could not be validated by experience, he framed it with a slogan, sola Scriptura, which implied that, if the Scriptures present the doctrine as the word of God devoid of the interpretations imposed by his Catholic adversaries, they must be an autonomous text, self-interpreting and self-referential.

     In this highly literary context, the slogan sola Scriptura played the same role in theological discourse that Descartes' methodical doubt played in the philosophical discourse designed to save Aristotle's correspondence theory of truth.  Presumably, it enabled those who accepted Luther's reading of the Scriptures to strip away traditional interpretations in a way that allowed the true meaning of the Scriptures to show itself.  And that pretense was critical if advocates of the doctrine of justification by faith alone hoped to persuade others that a confession of the utter sinfulness they inherited from Adam would enable them to stand naked before God, open to the reception of the gift of justification by faith alone which restored a relationship with God severed by Adam's sin without transforming them in any way.

    Here, I simply note that the extraction of Luther's doctrine of justification by faith alone from the Judaic-Christian Scriptures depends on two premises that do violence to that sprawling text.  One is the doctrine of original sin which Augustine extracted from the story of Adam and Eve.  The other is Paul's reading of this text as the history of a Covenant of Law.  Since I read the text as a history which reveals the difficulties involved in integrating orality and literacy, I suggest that the supposition that the Scriptures spoke as an immediate word of God capable of exposing human interpretation was designed to endow this doctrine with the illusory sense of immediate presence, fullness and totality fostered by orality.

    To support this suggestion, I trace Luther's embrace of the slogan, sola Scriptura, to his desire to erase Tradition as a mediating code for interpreting the Scriptures.  If Tradition is limited to a dialogue of text with text, I share that desire.  With others, I want room for consideration of the sensus fidelium.  In this context, Luther's embrace of the dictum, "Faith comes through hearing," provides such room.  But fundamentalist Christians show that his commitment to Scripture alone takes back what he has given;  i.e., they realize that this commitment must be framed by a doctrine of biblical inerrancy and a pretense that God speaks immediately in and through their supposedly literal readings of a purportedly self-interpreting text.
 
       (Admittedly, my suggestion that Catholic and Protestant theologians have engaged in a misplaced debate for centuries revolves around the literary origin and the implications of Luther's slogan, sola Scriptura.  As a rallying cry, this slogan voiced a laudable desire to recover the authority of the biblical tradition.  When it began to function as the defining trait of the Protestant protest, it ensured that the misplaced debate between Catholic and Protestant polemicists was framed by a metaphor of power and judgment which functioned as an arena in which authors could vie for authority over past, present and future readings of the Scriptures.

        Sadly, theologians seduced by Aquinas' promise of clear and distinct doctrinal formulations interwoven into a consistent, coherent, comprehensive and closed belief-system uncritically embraced the polemical structure of misplaced debate.  In so doing, they allowed the polemics to be defined by the metaphor of power and judgment inscribed in Luther's slogan, sola Scriptura and in the doctrines of exclusive election implicit in Luther's doctrine of justification by faith alone and Calvin's doctrine of eternal predestination.)

    To recover the biblical tradition from readings governed by the abstract conception of the autonomous text, I offer an extended analysis of the revelatory power of the literary form of the prose narrative forged by the Hebrew narrative tradition and the metaphors of intimacy projected by Israel's prophets.  Here, however, such an analysis would repeat analyses developed in reflections on the interplay between orality and literacy in the quest for deepening person-to-person involvements.  In the next reflection, however, I will explore the misplaced debate between Catholic and Protestant polemicists in more depth and detail.